Table of Contents

    Free Editorial
  • Free #SchoolsToo: Educators’ Responsibility to Confront Sexual Violence

    By the editors of Rethinking Schools

    The ongoing, persistent verbal and physical violence against women, youth, and LGBTQ communities has not been adequately addressed in most schools. Instead of educating children and youth about gender equity and sexual harassment, schools often create a culture that perpetuates stigma, shame, and silence. Student-on-student sexual assault and harassment occurs on playgrounds, in bathrooms and locker rooms, on buses, and down isolated school hallways. Students experience sexualized language and inappropriate touching, as well as forced sexual acts. And they encounter these at formative stages of their lives that leave scars and shape expectations for a lifetime. What isn’t addressed critically in schools becomes normalized and taken for granted.

  • Cover Story
  • Free What Students Are Capable Of

    Sexual Harassment and the Collateral Beauty of Resistance

    By Camila Arze Torres Goitia

    “We have something to tell you but we’re worried about getting you too involved. We don’t want to get you in trouble,” Baylee and Zaida whispered excitedly as they wiggled through the crack in my classroom door on my prep. I was confused to see them in such high spirits because earlier in the day they had been crushed by news from our administration. For more than two months they had been part of our Restorative Justice club that had been planning two half-day workshops around women empowerment for female-identifying students and toxic masculinity for male-identifying students. The club of 11 demographically diverse students had been urging adults in our building to do something about sexual harassment since October, when they made sexual assault and harassment their Restorative Justice club theme of the month and visited 9th grade classes to lead circles on the topic. This opened up a door for 9th graders to continue to reach out to upperclassmen about the harassment they were facing.

  • Cover Theme
  • #MeToo and The Color Purple

    By Linda Christensen

    During a recent conversation, a former high school classmate said, “I always wondered why you left Eureka. I heard that something shameful happened, but I never knew what it was.”

    Yes, something shameful happened. My former husband beat me in front of the Catholic Church in downtown Eureka. He tore hunks of hair from my scalp, broke my nose, and battered my body. It wasn’t the first time during the nine months of our marriage. When he fell into a drunken sleep, I found the keys he used to keep me locked inside and I fled, wearing a bikini and a bloodied white fisherman’s sweater. For those nine months I had lived in fear of his hands, of drives into the country where he might kill me and bury my body. I lived in fear that if I fled, he might harm my mother or my sister.

    I carried that fear and shame around for years. Because even though I left the marriage and the abuse, people said things like “I’d never let some man beat me.” There was no way to tell them the whole story: How growing up and “getting a man” was the goal, how making a marriage work was my responsibility, how failure was a stigma I couldn’t bear.

  • “Young Women Like Me”

    Teaching About Femicides and Reckless Capitalism on the Mexican Border

    By Camila Arze Torres Goitia, Kim Kanof

    Since 1993, the Mexican border city of Ciudad Juárez has been shaken by disappearances of teenage girls and young women. Officials say they have few leads. The murders in Juárez have received some international attention, primarily due to government inaction. Yet little has been done by the government to prevent violence against women and girls, as officials neglect to bring their perpetrators to justice.

    Residents do not let these deaths go unnoticed as hundreds of pink crosses — a symbol of these missing women — dot the border. An increase in these deaths coincided with the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). A treaty between Mexico, the United States, and Canada, NAFTA sought to increase investment opportunities by eliminating tariffs and, like many other economic agreements, benefited the economic elites of the three countries while resulting in widespread unemployment, increased class stratification, and mass emigration. Most of the “disappeared” women work in assembly plants or maquiladoras, owned by the United States and transnational corporations that dashed to northern Mexico post-NAFTA to reap the benefits of lower wages and lax environmental regulation.

  • The Women of Juárez

    By Amalia Ortiz

    at the West tip of Texas
    a line divides us from them
    and on the other side
    they all look like me
    yet on my side we sit passively nearby
    while the other side allows a slow genocide

  • Free “I Believe You”

    Responsive Teacher Talk and Our Children’s Lives

    By Michelle Gunderson

    To all of my students: I believe you.

    Every Monday morning Lilly would walk into our 1st-grade classroom with downcast eyes and a heavy heart. She would wait for everyone to settle in and then quietly beckon me over to her seat and say, “My head hurts.”

    It became a routine. I would stroke her head and say, “I know you miss your dad. Let’s try participating in school and see if it helps you feel better.” This seems like a reasonable response from a seasoned veteran teacher in her 31st year of teaching. My message to Lilly was I understand children, I understand your life, and I know what is best for you.

  • "How Could You Let This Happen?"

    Dealing with 2nd Graders and Rape Culture

    By Zanovia Clark

    I was just about to finish my second year teaching 2nd grade. It was the first week of June and school was quickly coming to a close. The sun was out and everyone’s energy was extraordinarily high. We were in Seattle after all; when the sun comes around, you rejoice. One morning that week I came to work and noticed I had an email from a parent. This was a parent I had a good relationship with, and she often checked in to see how her daughter was doing. But this email was different. The mother explained that her daughter had been cornered at recess the previous day by some boys who were also 2nd graders. The boys grabbed, groped, and humped her. They told her they were going to have sex with her. Her daughter told them to stop and to leave her alone, but they persisted. As this sweet one told her story of shame, confusion, and hurt to her family later that day, she became so upset that she threw up in the car. Her mother knew this wasn’t a miscommunication or misunderstanding.

  • Features
  • In Philadelphia, Teacher Book Groups Are the Engines of Change

    By Kathleen Riley, Shira Cohen

    On a chilly day in the late fall of 2015, in the pews of the Old First Reformed United Church of Christ in the Old City Neighborhood of Philadelphia near the Delaware River, we sat, excited with anticipation, among nearly 200 participants at the second annual Philadelphia Caucus of Working Educators (WE) daylong convention. The nine members of our slate who would challenge existing union leadership in the upcoming election had just been announced and Ismael Jimenez, the nominee for vice president of high schools, took the mic:
    We need to start shifting this paradigm. This paradigm that has us disengaged. Powerless. Beholden to interests that aren’t ours. They are treating us like objects. Things just happen to us. No longer can we sit in complacency. The victory that I’m talking about isn’t just a PFT [Philadelphia Federation of Teachers] election. This is a means to an end. And the end is justice.

  • Black Boys in White Spaces

    One Mom’s Reflection

    By Dyan Watson

    Right away I recognized her. Ruby Bridges. The courageous girl who defied white racists and became the first to integrate an all-white elementary school. My 7-year-old son pulled a handout out of his backpack with her face on it. He is in a bilingual, two-way immersion program at our local elementary school. As is our custom on Friday, we emptied his backpack and sorted the contents. We determined what needed to be recycled, what would be hung on our whiteboard, and what needed to be stored in my Things-to-take-care-of box by the fridge. I smiled, because as a former history teacher and lover of Black history, I was happy to see my son learning about this important historical moment. And then, I took a closer look and saw that it was in Spanish. I was elated as it dawned on me that my son truly is emergent bilingual. “Caleb, what’s this about? Did you read this in school?”

  • Beyond the Travel Ban

    Refugee Educational Prospects in the Era of Trump

    By Michelle Bellino

    In May 2016, while I was carrying out ethnographic research in the Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya, a Form 4 (12th grade) history teacher asked me if I would teach his students about U.S. democracy. We flipped through the history and government textbook to one of the last chapters where the national curriculum outlined political systems in Kenya, England, India, and the United States. It was a peculiar moment to put the U.S. democratic system on display.

  • Free Ignoring Diversity, Undermining Equity

    NCTQ and Elementary Literacy Instruction

    By Katherine Crawford-Garrett

    NCTQ, which claims to “provide an alternative national voice to existing teacher organizations and to build the case for a comprehensive reform agenda that would challenge the current structure and regulation of the profession,” was created by the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation in 2000 and incorporated in 2001 as a policy response to a perception that colleges of education were not adequately preparing teachers. According to education historian and NCTQ critic Diane Ravitch, the conservative members of the Thomas B. Fordham foundation perceived teacher training as problematic due to an overemphasis on social justice and a lack of focus on basic academic skills and abilities. Thus, NCTQ was originally founded as an entity through which to encourage alternative certification and circumvent colleges of education. Indeed, early on, NCTQ was closely connected to ABCTE (American Board for the Certification of Teacher Excellence), which created a series of tests that potential teachers could pass in order to bypass teacher education programs altogether by paying $1,995.00.

  • Departments Free
    Education Action
  • The Teacher Uprising of 2018

    By Bob Peterson
  • Commentary
  • Climate Change, Gender, and Nuclear Bombs

    Column: Earth, Justice, and Our Classrooms

    By Bill Bigelow
  • Resources
  • Our picks for books, videos, websites, and other social justice education resources.

The Teacher Uprising of 2018

The Teacher Uprising of 2018

They’re calling it the “Education Spring,” and what started in a rural county in southwest West Virginia has spread like wildfire and inspired teachers and other public sector workers across the country.

“Healthcare was bad, the pay was bad, the working conditions were bad . . . you’ve got too many kids in the classroom. It’s the same issues that we see across the country and across the world and we saw that people were already really fed up and they wanted action,” West Virginia elementary school teacher and strike leader Olivia Morris explained to a packed crowd at the 2018 Labor Notes conference in early April in Chicago.
On top of those concerns, educators from Kentucky and Arizona list cuts to pensions, teacher shortages, poor and unsafe facilities, and lack of basic supplies and textbooks as additional reasons that led tens of thousands of teachers in several “red” states to launch wildcat strikes (strikes not officially sanctioned by union leadership).

In West Virginia, Kentucky, Oklahoma, and Arizona, teachers and other education support personnel used Facebook and Twitter to do what their unions were unwilling or prohibited by law from doing: Pulling together tens of thousands of people — both union members and nonmembers — to stand up not only for educators, but also for the students in their under-resourced public education systems.

The militant history of miners in both West Virginia and Kentucky provided fertile soil for teacher wildcat strikes. Tammy Berlin, a teacher in Louisville, Kentucky, explained: “My grandpa was a steelworker and he participated in wildcat strikes throughout his career. My great-grandpa was . . . a field rep in the UMWA [United Mine Workers of America]. You just talk to people with any kind of union history and it’s just deeply ingrained that you do not cross the picket line.”

Rank-and-file teachers created both secret and public Facebook groups that grew rapidly to put together tens of thousands of teachers who shared their deep concerns about their working conditions and the problems facing their students. Teachers in these states are among the lowest paid in the nation, even though state legislatures provided coal, oil, and other industries massive tax cuts, simultaneously refusing wage increases for teachers and other public sector workers and forcing those workers to take real wage cuts by dramatically increasing the cost of health insurance.

Organizers shared tactics over social media: wearing red on “Fed Up Fridays,” having “Walk-Ins” in preparation for walkouts, building ties with parents and community members along with other unions, showing how to most effectively organize entire schools and districts, and providing evidence to both the rank-and-file leaders and hesitant union officials that it was the time to strike.

The educator unions in these states are weaker than in many others, unable to collectively bargain or collect “agency fees” — the subject of the pending Janus v. AFSCME litigation in front of the Supreme Court. Unencumbered by individual contracts at the local level and without strong union organization, the rank-and-file teachers self-organized and turned en masse toward their main enemy: the state legislatures, dominated by Koch brother and corporate-supported Republican legislators and governors.

The teachers at the Labor Notes conference made clear that they would “remember in November” and that their dislike of anti-public education politicians was nonpartisan. Emily Comer, a high school Spanish teacher from South Charleston, West Virginia, explained that “the Democrats in West Virginia had control of our state for 82 years and in that time they sold us to coal, and failed to give us collective bargaining.”

What was unique in some of these strikes was the support from the community. The support ranged from Teamsters and bus drivers supporting the strike, to churches and food pantries helping teachers prepare lunches for children who did not get school lunches during the strike, to principals and superintendents joining picket lines and marches and demanding that the state legislators agree to the teachers’ demands.
Such broad united fronts were essential for the success of the wildcat strikes — and it also gives a clear picture of what is possible when organizing reaches a broad audience.

The teacher leaders at the Labor Notes conference noted that union membership has increased as teachers have seen the help — albeit often tardy and tentative — provided by their unions. They also note that their Facebook groups aren’t going to last forever and are not only encouraging people to join unions, but also to continue organizing on their own to ensure that the Education Spring is rooted firmly in the rank and file at all schools and keeps going for many more seasons.

The question now is not whether teachers in other states will follow suit, but when and how they will use this momentum to win the quality of life they and their students deserve.

—Bob Peterson, Rethinking Schools editor

For information about Labor Notes and their work, go to www.labornotes.org.